Homo consumans

Enjoy capitalism

Ainsi parlait Europe-Action n°37

« Mais nous ? Qu’avons-nous à conserver dans cette société ? Son idéologie ? Sa hiérarchie sociale ? Ses moeurs ? Ses idoles ? Nous voulons renverser tout cela. Alors ? il ne faut pas confondre ! Ce que nous avons à former ce n’est pas un parti conservateur mais un mouvement révolutionnaire ».
Dominique Venner, « Europe-Action », janvier 1966, n°37.

« La Commune, comme le vieux Sud, furent écrasés dans le sang. Mais les ouvriers de Paris et les paysans de Louisiane luttaient pour la même liberté. Ils se battaient pour leur droit à la vie, contre la réaction et le métissage, ces deux aspects d’une même menace cosmopolite ».
Jean Mabire, « Europe-Action », « Europe-Action », janvier 1966, n°37.

« La survie réelle, c’est-à-dire la continuité de notre substance biologique est la condition réelle de notre indépendance. Si l’Hexagone du XXe s. doit être un campement multi-racial, son indépendance ne nous fait ni chaud, ni froid. Même si un rectangle d’étoffe bleu-blanc-rouge y flotte le 14 juillet sur des grouillements colorés, un caravansérail n’est pas une patrie ».
Gilles Fournier, « Europe-Action », janvier 1966, n°37.

Ainsi parlait Europe-Action n°31-32

« Nous nous révoltons contre la falsification du réel, contre la castration de l’Occident. Nous en appelons à l’esprit total de l’Europe, symbolisé par le mythe de Prométhée, le titan qui déroba aux dieux le feu du ciel, pour donner aux hommes la connaissance et la domination du monde ».
Dominique Venner, Europe-Action, juin-juillet 1965, n°31-32.

« Pour nous, l’Europe est un coeur dont le sang bat à Johannesburg et à Québec, à Sidney et à Budapest, à bord des blanches caravelles et des vaisseaux spatiaux, sur toutes les mers et dans tous les déserts du globe ».
Jean Mabire, Europe-Action, juin-juillet 1965, n°31-32.

Ainsi parlait Europe-Action n°30

« Le véritable sens de notre lutte apparaît de plus en plus clairement : c’est la défense de l’individu contre les robots et, par conséquent, celle des patries contre l’universalisme. Pour nous, chaque homme et chaque nation possèdent une personnalité irréductible (…) Le nationalisme, c’est d’abord reconnaître ce caractère sacré que possède chaque homme et chaque femme de notre pays et de notre sang. Notre amitié doit préfigurer cette unanimité populaire qui reste le but final de notre action, une prise de conscience de notre solidarité héréditaire et inaliénable. C’est cela notre socialisme ».
Jean Mabire, Europe-Action, juin 1965, n°30.

Les fascistes de demain s’appelleront eux-mêmes antifascistes

Nous ne serons pas les palestiniens de l’Europe !

La vrai révolution

« La vrai révolution n’a pas encore eu lieu, mais elle progresse irrésistiblement. Ce n’est pas l’argent qui en est le moteur, mais le sang qui unit la nation par ses mystérieux courants »
ERNST JÜNGER

Uma visão tradicionalista

Por que combatemos? Esta é a questão fundamental que todo o soldado político deve colocar. Por contraditório que possa parecer somos tentados a responder que lutamos pela Tradição e pela Revolução.

A Tradição

Antes de mais não se deve confundir a Tradição com as tradições, isto é, os usos e costumes.

A Tradição designa o conjunto dos conhecimentos de ordem superior referentes ao Ser e suas manifestações no mundo, tal como nos foram legados pelas gerações anteriores. Ela assenta não no que foi uma vez, num tempo e espaço determinados, mas no que é de sempre. Admite uma variedade de formas – as tradições –, ao mesmo tempo que permanece una na sua essência. Não poderíamos confundi-la com a tradição religiosa única porque ela cobre a totalidade das actividades humanas, políticas, económicas, sociais, etc.

No seguimento de Joseph de Maistre, de Fabre d’Olivet e, sobretudo, de René Guénon, Julius Evola fala de uma «Tradição primordial» que, historicamente, permitiria contemplar a origem concreta de um conjunto de tradições. Tratar-se-ia de uma tradição hiperbórea, vinda do Extremo Norte, situada no começo do presente ciclo de civilização, em particular das culturas indo-europeias.

Do ponto de vista de Evola «uma civilização ou uma sociedade é tradicional quando é regida por princípios que transcendem o que é meramente humano e individual, quando todas as suas formas vêm do cimo e quando ela está toda orientada para o alto». A civilização tradicional assenta então em fundamentos metafísicos. É caracterizada pelo reconhecimento de uma ordem superior a tudo o que é humano e contingente, pela presença e autoridade de elites que retiram desse plano transcendente os princípios necessários para assegurar uma organização social hierarquicamente articulada, abrindo as vias para um conhecimento superior e conferindo por fim à vida um sentido vertical.

O mundo moderno é quanto a ele o oposto do mundo da Tradição que se personificou em todas as grandes civilizações do Ocidente e Oriente. É-lhe próprio o desconhecimento de tudo o que é superior ao homem, uma dessacralização generalizada, o materialismo, a confusão de castas e raças.

A Revolução

Quanto ao termo Revolução deve ser entendido na sua dupla acepção. No seu sentido actual, o mais correntemente utilizado, Revolução significa mudança brusca e radical no governo de um Estado, a Revolução francesa e a Revolução soviética de 1917 são uma ilustração perfeita.

Não obstante, no seu sentido primeiro, Revolução não significa subversão e revolta mas o contrário, a saber, regresso a um ponto de partida e movimento ordenado em torno de um eixo. É assim que, na linguagem astronómica, a revolução de um astro designa precisamente o movimento que ele realiza gravitando em torno de um centro, o qual contém a força centrífuga, impedindo o astro de se perder no espaço infinito.
Ora nós estamos hoje no fim de um ciclo. Com a regressão das estirpes, a descida progressiva da autoridade de uma a outra das quatro funções tradicionais, o poder passou dos reis sagrados a uma aristocracia guerreira, depois aos comerciantes, por fim às massas. É a idade de ferro, o Kalî-Yuga ariano, idade sombra da decadência, caracterizada pelo reino da quantidade, do número, das massas, e a correria desenfreada à produção, ao lucro, à riqueza material.

Ser pela Revolução hoje, é pretender o regresso da nossa civilização europeia a um ponto de partida original, conforme aos valores e aos princípios da Tradição, o que passa, reivindicando a expressão de Giorgio Freda, pela «desintegração do sistema» actual, antítese do mundo tradicional ao qual aspiramos.

Edouard Rix

Giorgio Freda : The Unclassifiable Revolutionary

“I hate this book. I hate it with all my heart. It gave me the glory, that poor thing called fame, but it is also the source of all my miseries. For this book, I have known many months in prison, (…) police persecution as petty as cruel. For this book, I experienced the betrayal of friends, enemies, bad faith, selfishness and the wickedness of men. From this book has originated the stupid legend that made me out to be cynical and cruel, a sort of Machiavelli disguised as Cardinal de Retz that they like to see in me.” Though written by Curzio Malaparte in the introduction to his famous essay ‘Technique of the coup’, Giorgio Freda, the author of ‘The Disintegration of the System’, could have made these lines his own. Because, in writing this small booklet of about sixty very dense pages that undermined the basis the of the bourgeois system, the young publisher has suffered years of judicial and media persecution.

THE EDIZIONI DI AR

On October 26, 1963, Senator Umberto Terracini, an influential member of the Jewish community and the Italian Communist Party, reported publicly to the Ministers of Interior and Justice the dissemination in Padua of “a vile pamphlet bearing the title Gruppo di Ar (Ar Group), which, taking up the most vile racist theories of Italian Nazism, openly portrays the authors as publishers advocating anti-democratic ideology”, and asks “whether and which measures have been proposed and taken to cauterize the wound and stop the infection before it gets wider dissemination and enters the sphere of action.”

Originally publicly stigmatized, the group found a young Platonist and Evolan lawyer named Giorgio Freda. The term chosen by the group for its name, Ar, was highly symbolic, as it is in many Indo-European languages, being the semantic root connoting the idea of nobility and aristocracy.

In 1964, Freda had to face trial for a pamphlet denouncing Zionist policy in Palestine. This was just the first of many. The same year, Edizioni di Ar, which he had just founded, published their first book, ‘An Essay on the Inequality of the Races’ by Arthur de Gobineau. Following were the minor writings of Julius Evola and the works of Corneliu Codreanu. Each title had a circulation of 2000 copies.

There were two constants in Freda’s militant commitment: the fight against international Zionism, including Israel, which he believed was only the tip of the struggle and against the bourgeois liberal system, expressed by American imperialism in Europe since 1945. About anti-Zionism, Freda was the first editor in Italy who supported Palestinian fighters, even as the Right, embodied by the MSI (Movimento Sociale Italiano), extolled Israel as a “bulwark of the West against the Arabs enslaved by Moscow”. It was he who organized in Padua in March 1969- in conjunction with the Maoist group, Potere Operairo (Workers’ Power)- the first major meeting in Italy to support the Palestinian resistance in the presence of representatives of Yasser Arafat’s Fatah. The Zionist lobby never forgave him. Moreover, not content with simple verbal support, like so many distinguished intellectuals, he would secretly provide timers to a supposed representative of Fatah.

THE DISINTEGRATION OF THE SYSTEM

But Giorgio Freda is above all a man of the text. And what a text! ‘The Disintegration of the System’ was written in 1969 as student protests were in full force. Italy then underwent, not a sudden explosion and fallout as fast as in France, but a “creeping May”. Convinced of the urgent need for the radical subversion of the bourgeois world, Freda believed that everything must be tried and, when so many young people were seeking to give a truly revolutionary content to the student revolt, that it would be recovered from the proponents of orthodox Marxist or social democratic reformism. It was for these young people that ‘The Disintegration of the System’ was intended, and far from being Freda’s personal program it synthesized the common demands of the entire national-revolutionary milieu, from Giovane Europe (Young Europe) to Lotta di Popolo (People’s Struggle).

The tone of the text is decidedly offensive. A disciple of Evola, Freda is the first to not just comment learnedly on his writings, but to move from theory to practice, so much so that one can see in ‘The Disintegration of the System’ the political practice of the theory outlined in ‘Riding the Tiger’, the last of Evola‘s writings. With this book, the Baron gave the intellectual framework affirming Freda’s belief that there can be no compromise with the bourgeois system. “There is a solution, writes Evola, which must be firmly ruled out: that is to build on what survives of the bourgeois world, and to defend it as a basis to fight against the currents of dissolution and the most violent subversion, after possibly trying to facilitate or strengthen the remains with some higher values that are more traditional.” And the Baron added: “It might be good to help bring down the already faltering and what belongs to the world of yesterday, instead of seeking to support and to artificially prolong life. This possible tactic, such as to prevent the final crisis, is the work of the opposing forces which would then undertake the initiative. The risk of this is obvious: we do not know who has the last word.”

In ‘The Disintegration’, Freda was not tender with the idols and values of bourgeois society. Order for the sake of order, sacrosanct private property, capitalism, moral conformism, and visceral blind, pro-Zionism and philo-Americanism, but also God, priests, judges, bankers- nothing and no one escaped his criticism. To the dominant market model, he offered a real alternative, reaffirming the traditional doctrine of the state, fully opposed to pseudo-bourgeois values, and developed a coherent state project, the most spectacular aspect including the organization of a Communist economy-a Spartan and elitist communism which owes more to Plato than to Karl Marx.

A man of action, Freda was sickened by pseudo-intellectual Evolo-Guénonians locked away in their ivory towers. He had harsh words for some Evolans: “sterile apologists of the discourse on the state”, “worshippers of abstractions,” “champions of conceptual gestures” that, in his eyes, were riders of paper tigers . “For us, he writes, be true to our vision of the world – and therefore of the state – means to comply with it, leaving nothing undone to achieve it historically.” In this perspective, he clearly shows the intention to reach out to sectors involved in the objective negation of the bourgeois world, including the ultra-extra-parliamentary left to which he proposes a strategy that was loyal to a united struggle against the System. It was then that he contacted various Maoist groups, such as Potere Operaio and the Communist Party of Italy-Marxist Leninist.

“For a political soldier, purity justifies any hardness, indifference all guile, while the impersonal imprinted in the fight dissolves all moral concerns.” These strong words ends the manifesto.

VICTIM OF DEMOCRACY

On December 12, 1969, a bomb exploded in the National Bank of Agriculture, Piazza Fontana in Milan, killing 16 people and injuring 87. The Italian section of the Situationist International of the ultra-left issued a manifesto entitled ‘The Reichstag Burns’, denouncing the regime as the real organizer of the massacre. The Situationists will continue to repeat that the Piazza Fontana bomb was “neither anarchist nor fascist.”

Giorgio Freda, meanwhile, continued his intellectual struggle against the System. In 1970, in a preface to a text by Evola, he welcomed the possibility of urban warfare in Italy. In April 1971, Edizioni di Ar publish officially for the first time in the peninsula since 1945, ‘The Protocols of the Elders of Zion’. That same month, Freda was arrested and accused of “having distributed books, printed and written information containing propaganda or incitement to violent subversion.” The repressive machine gets under way. For the first time since the end of the fascist regime, a magistrate intended to apply Article 270 (law against subversive association) of the Code Rocco (named after Mussolini’s attorney general). Soon after, the Edizioni di Ar published ‘The Enemy of Man’, a collection of Palestinian fighting poetry, provoking the fury of the Zionists.

In July 1971, the judge modified the charges and accused Freda of making “propaganda for the violent subversion of the political, economic and social development of the state” through ‘The Disintegration of the System’, “where he alludes to the need of subversion, by violent means, of the bourgeois democratic state and its replacement by a state defined and characterized as a people’s state”.

Undaunted by repression, Edizioni di Ar published in November 1971 the Italian translation of the ‘International Jew’ by Henry Ford.

On December 5, 1971, Freda was arrested again. He is no longer prosecuted for crimes of opinion, but bluntly accused of having organized the massacre of Piazza Fontana. Since they failed to catch the “anarcho-fascists” they decided to pinch the “Nazi-Maoists”. The charges against Freda was based on two pieces of evidence: that he bought timers like those found in the bank as well as the travel bags in which the bombs were placed. But Freda had indeed bought timers but had given them to a captain of the Algerian secret services who requested them for the Palestinians. The weekly Candido, investigating the RFA from the manufacturer, collected evidence that timers sold in Italy were not 57, as claimed by the judge – Freda had bought 50 – but hundreds, and that the models purchased by the publisher differed from those used in the attack. In addition, the merchant from Bologna who had sold four travel bags similar to those used in the attack did not recognize Freda as the buyer, but two police officers … Of course, the judge wouldn’t take into account exculpatory evidence. Freda began his lonely tour of Italian prisons in 1972- Padua, Milan and Trieste. Then Rome, Bari, Brindisi, Catanzaro.

Called a “Maoist” traitor or “agent of Communist China” by the Right, especially by the neo-fascist MSI or a “racist fanatic” and “delusional anti-Semite” by the legalistic left and Zionist circles, and fearfully rejected by some ultra-left men with whom he had actively collaborated, Giorgio Freda was then tricked by the press into taking the supposedly infamous label of “Nazi-Maoist.” Thanks to the hype, this only turned out to be positive as the stock of 1500 copies of ‘The Disintegration of the System’ were quickly exhausted. A few years later, Freda admitted that the text was taken more into consideration by extremists on the left than those on the right.

TRIAL

The long River Piazza Fontana trial was opened on January 1975, before the Assize Court in Catanzaro. Accused were the anarchist Pietro Valpreda and eleven accomplices, neo-fascist Giorgio Freda and twelve co-defendants. Reaching the end of his preventive detention, Freda was released and placed under house arrest in August 1976. But his convictions remained intact. Thus in 1977, when he was facing a life sentence, he did not hesitate: in an interview he gave to his friend Claudio Mutti he talked about armed struggle as the best form of opposition to the System in Italy!

Convinced that the dice were loaded and that his conviction wasn’t in doubt, Freda went on the run in October 1978. He was captured in the summer of 1979 in Costa Rica, from which he was not extradited, but forcibly returned by the Italian political police.

The judicial farce continued. In December 1984, the fourth trial for the massacre of Piazza Fontana was opened in Bari. After sixteen years of investigation, Freda was ultimately acquitted of the bombing but incarcerated for crimes of opinion, “subversive association” according to the Italian legal language, which earned him a sentence of fifteen years in prison.

On his release, the media was still talking about Freda because of his launching of the Fronte Nazionale (National Front), for which he was again arrested and charged in July 1993. Surely, good blood cannot lie!

Edouard Rix, Le Lansquenet, printemps 2003, n°17.